At first blush, “being moved” is nothing more than a generic expression we use to account for states of emotional arousal. These can be as diverse as joy and sorrow, or pity and admiration, and are often generic themselves, which is why we do not need nor care to be more specific when we talk about them. On closer inspection, however, things are not so simple. For a start, there seem to be some emotional experiences (e.g., shame, envy, jealousy, or hate, as well as, on the positive side, cheerfulness or gaiety) that speakers of English would not normally describe in terms of “being moved.” Besides, if we were to render the phrase “to be moved” in another language – Italian, for example – we would be faced with two options: stick to its generic meaning of “feeling emotional” (emozionarsi) or further qualify it by translating it as commuoversi, therefore denoting a quite specific, bittersweet way of feeling that we typically experience “when something very dear to [us] makes it appearance” (Tan, 2009, p. 74). This would also be the case if we were translating the phrase into Spanish, German, French, Swedish, Russian, or Japanese, just to give some examples. To be able to differentiate between the generic and the specific sense of the phrase, a good translator would need to consider the larger narrative in which it is embedded and, looking for cues, she would ask questions such as “What is the emoter moved about?”, “Why is she moved?,” and “How does this experience make her feel and act?” Over the past few years, scholars in philosophy and psychology have taken up the challenge of conceptualizing being moved as a distinct emotion and by specifying its intentional, phenomenological, and action-related features they have provided us with interesting insights into just the narrative cues we are looking for. As for the physiology and the phenomenology of the experience, scholars mostly agree on the ambivalence of being moved as a mixed emotion that brings about heart rate acceleration and piloerection, often gives us a sensation of warmth in the chest and a lump in the throat, and makes us smile through tears. However, the intentionality of being moved is more controversial and different theories diverge on the definition of its formal object. According to Cova and Deonna (2014), the emotion of being moved is triggered when “positive values are brought to the fore and manifest themselves in a particularly salient way” (p. 453). The positive values specific to being moved are further qualified as those “that are important enough to make human life meaningful” (Cova, Deonna, & Sander, 2017, p. 362). At a psychological level, they belong to the category of “core values” and, as such, resist comparisons and trade-offs. Interpreted in this way, core values cannot be defined extensionally and vary across individuals and cultures. More specifically, however, it is not a core value as such, but its positivity or goodness that we experience when we are moved. So, while we may respond to success with joy, or to generosity with gratitude, in being moved we do not engage with these values per se, but with their overall goodness (Deonna, 2018). Somewhat in the same vein, Cullhed (2020) claims that the formal object of being moved is better understood in terms of “dearness.” While compatible with the idea that being moved is evoked by the apprehension of the positivity of a core value, Cullhed’s view also focuses on the affective quality of our relationship with it, which is “enduring and similar to interpersonal bonds” (p. 115). Social bonds are central to the description that Menninghaus and colleagues provide of being moved as an “intensely felt response to scenarios that have a particularly strong bearing on attachment-related issues – and hence on prosocial bonding tendencies, norms, and ideals – ranging from the innermost circle of one’s personal life (spouse, children, friends) to higher-order entities of social life (one’s country, social and religious communities)” (Menninghaus et al., 2015, p. 12). On this view, therefore, being moved does not occur as a response to just any core value; rather, it is limited to the perception of prosocial norms and ideals. In a similar vein, Fiske and colleagues, who call being moved “kama muta” (the Sanskrit for “moved by love”), further restrict the domain of its core relational theme and

中文翻译：

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专题介绍：论被感动。跨文化方法

乍一看，“被感动”不过是我们用来解释情绪唤起状态的通用表达。这些可以像喜悦和悲伤，或怜悯和钦佩一样多种多样，而且它们本身通常是通用的，这就是为什么我们在谈论它们时不需要也不关心更具体的原因。然而，仔细观察，事情并不那么简单。首先，英语使用者通常不会用“被感动”来形容一些情绪体验（例如，羞耻、嫉妒、嫉妒或仇恨，以及积极的一面，快乐或欢乐）。 。” 此外，如果我们用另一种语言（例如意大利语）来翻译“to bemoved”这个短语，我们将面临两种选择：坚持其“感觉情绪化”（emozionarsi）的一般含义或通过翻译进一步限定它它作为commuoversi，因此，它表示一种非常具体的、苦乐参半的感觉方式，我们通常会体验到“当 [我们] 非常珍视的东西出现时”（Tan，2009，第 74 页）。如果我们将这个短语翻译成西班牙语、德语、法语、瑞典语、俄语或日语，也会出现这种情况，仅举一些例子。为了能够区分短语的通用意义和特定意义，一个好的翻译需要考虑它所嵌入的更大的叙事，并寻找线索，她会提出诸如“情感表达者在做什么”之类的问题？”、“她为什么感动？”和“这段经历让她有怎样的感受和行动？” 在过去的几年里，哲学和心理学的学者们接受了挑战，将被感动概念化为一种独特的情感，并通过明确其意图、现象学、以及与动作相关的功能，它们为我们提供了有趣的见解，让我们了解我们正在寻找的叙事线索。至于体验的生理学和现象学，学者们大多同意被感动的矛盾心理是一种混合的情绪，会导致心率加速和竖毛，经常让我们感到胸闷和喉咙有肿块，让我们泪流满面。然而，被感动的意向性争议较大，对其形式客体的定义存在不同的理论。根据 Cova 和 Deonna（2014 年）的说法，当“积极的价值观脱颖而出并以特别突出的方式表现出来”时，就会触发被感动的情绪（第 453 页）。被感动所特有的积极价值观被进一步限定为“足以使人类生活变得有意义的重要价值观”（Cova、Deonna 和 Sander，2017 年，第 362 页）。在心理层面上，他们属于“核心价值观”的范畴，因此拒绝比较和取舍。以这种方式解释，核心价值观不能被扩展定义，并且因个人和文化而异。然而，更具体地说，它不是核心价值本身，而是当我们被感动时所体验到的积极性或善良性。因此，虽然我们可能会以喜悦来回应成功，或者以感激来回应慷慨，但在被感动时，我们并没有参与这些价值观本身，而是参与到它们的整体善良中（Deonna，2018 年）。与此类似，Cullhed (2020) 声称，被移动的形式对象可以更好地理解为“亲爱的”。” 虽然与被感动是由对核心价值的积极性的理解引起的观点相一致，但 Cullhed 的观点也关注我们与它的关系的情感质量，它是“持久的，类似于人际关系”（第 115 页） ）。社会纽带是 Menninghaus 及其同事提供的关于被感动的描述的核心，它是“对与依恋相关问题有特别强烈影响的情景的强烈反应，因此对亲社会纽带倾向、规范和理想有特别强烈的影响，范围从个人生活的最核心圈子（配偶、孩子、朋友）到更高层次的社会生活实体（国家、社会和宗教社区）”（Menninghaus 等人，2015 年，第 12 页）。因此，根据这种观点，被感动并不是对任何核心价值的回应。相当，它仅限于对亲社会规范和理想的认识。同样，Fiske 及其同事称被感动为“kama muta”（梵文“被爱感动”），进一步限制了其核心关系主题的领域，并